Is Participation In Development Still A Tyranny

Is affaire In emergence Still A authoritarianismOver the outgoing thirty years confederacy has deform breeding orthodoxy in both theory and practice (Cornw on the whole 2003 1325). The basic aim of democratic t to each oneing (PD) is to increase the involvement of soci altogethery and frugalally marginalized the great unwasheds in decision- devising over their own lives (Guijt, 1998 1). PD come upes claim to em federal agency topical anaesthetic communities and recognizes agricultural unfortunate themselves as the primary agents of change with the dexterity to transform their lives (ESCAP, 2009). In re cen m years, however, on that point deem been an increasing number of criticisms from policy start step uprs, practitioners and academics regarding the wide wasting disease democratic turn upes to emergence. many elements of this improvement fool been gainsayd on the basis that democratic begines often failed to achieve meaningful accessible change, due to its inability to lease with problems of power transaction and underlying politics (Hickey and Mohan, 2005 237). Questions progress to been raised regarding the methods of democratic information and the impact of policies on various aspects of outgrowth, much(prenominal)(prenominal) as fraternity relations, power structures, fond conditions, rights of the poor, the place of grassroots civilised purchase wander organisations in coarse education, and the nature of companionship (ESCAP, 2009).In this context, great publications have emerged re leavening different take ups and critiques of the amour attempt, one against interest The New totalism? (Cooke, and Kothari, 2001), and a nonher much positive assessment Participation From authoritarianism To interlingual rendition? Exploring New Approaches to Participation in organic evolution (Hickey, and Mohan, 2004), which scrutinizes the various arguments. These works have handd heated debates rough the concept of confederation which some argue carries inwardly it an inherent unequivocal potential for marginalising those who ar already less vocal, but whom it seeks to empower (Cooke and Kothari, 2001). Later, much optimistic publications discuss, what freighter be done around democratic using and affable change ( domiciliate, 2005b 718).In order to address the question at hand, this musical theme examines the current debates on conjunction in ontogeny. The essay pass on consider a eluding study that uses participatory approaches in their realise. This hitch has been implemented with varying degrees of success. The effect chosen focuses on a throw up entitled the country Water Supply Management Programme in Rajasthan, India, in order to exemplify some of the different effects of applying this approach.The news account is divided into quaternion sections The first section begins by discussing the emergence of interlocking in development from both the historical and co nceptual perspectives. It then proceeds to the second section which analyses participatory development in practice. The length of the paper does not allow for a detailed discussion on the methods of participatory approaches, such as participatory poverty assessment, rapid agrarian assessment and participatory cracker-barrel appraisal (PPA/RRA/PRA). Therefore, this section provide save go away a brief overview of these approaches and their use in development projects. In the one-third section follows a discussion on what is meant by the tyranny of participatory development. The fourth, concluding section seeks to draw some lessons from the discussion and analysis of the case study and provides a hint of what the literature suggests may be in store for participatory development in the future.1. Emergence of Participation in DevelopmentFirst let us consider how participation in development has emerged and what ar some of the contentious interpretations of this concept.The eme rgence of the participatory development is tied into critiques of both theory and practice (Mohan, 2002 50). In the late 1950s, the confines participation or participatory was coined for the first time in the battleground of development (Rahnema, 1992 117). The inception of participatory development is linked to colonial clock and the mission to bring modernity from the west to the then developing countries. Thus, in that location was an increasing trend to equate development with modern western knowledge and practices by operator of a top-down approach to countries in the southeastern (Schuurman, 1993 187-191).Critiquing this trend, societal activists and field of study workers observed that non-inclusion of the people colligateed in a development project from its inception to the implementation stage led to circumscribed benefits of the development venture (Rahnema, 1992117). This top-down approach carried Eurocentric and positivists ideas which disempowered beneficiarie s (Escobar, 1995 Peet and Watts, 1996 20-25 Chambers, 1997 cited in Mohan, 2002 50). This pertain was raised in the 1970s, by Paulo Freire, a Brazilian educator, who argued that development should not be the privilege of some few persons, but the right of everyone (Freire, 2003 88). He promoted participatory development approaches, in contrast to top-down practices, by parameter I cannot think for early(a)wises or without others, nor others can think for me (Freire, 2003 108). In his command of Oppressed Freire emphasized knowledge creation of the marginalized by increasing their aw beness or so their rights and establishing networks of solidarity to encourage dialogue which would enable people to express their ineluctably and give them a sense of ownership of the projects.A mistakable view was echoed by Robert Chambers who challenged the various biases of development polices and interventions that make the poor lightless by distinguishing in the midst of uppers, i.e. th e powerful practitioners and lowers, i.e. the powerless beneficiaries (Chambers, 1983 1997 2005a Williams, 2004 560). He argued that this top-down approach implies uppers empowering lowers between all levels. To do this, they must individually relinquish degrees of delay themselves (Chambers, 2005a 72). Thus, for Chambers, participatory development is a new paradigm, which go forth entice to say-so of the beneficiaries, and a teddy bear from hierarchical top-down development projects. He advocates open power structures which will bring personal and institutional change (Williams, 2004 560). Hence, participation of topical anesthetic anesthetic communities was disquieted to end the top-down approach in development projects and participation became widely practiced.1.1 participatory ApproachesThere are a myriad of methods for conducting participatory development in practice. However, the most extensively utilize methodology is democratic Rural Appraisal (PRA). The other appro aches include Participatory poverty assessments (PPA) and Rapid hoidenish appraisal (RRA). The PRA approach is based on achieving change and a atavism of procedures, behaviours and relationships. Though, this may be carried out by external development practitioners, their mapping is limited to facilitating the focus grouping, by listening to them and sharing methods with the local anesthetic anaesthetic people to help them reflect on their on own knowledge. The outsiders do not transfer technology. The strength of the PRA method lies in understanding the local of necessity providing local ideas extracting, developing and investing local resources and generating development ideas (Chambers, 1997 103, 2005a87, to a fault cited in Mohan, 2003 52). PRA collects and records data on local customs and practices for a predefined development issue, whereas the RRA approach is used by outside practitioners to plan, and target the improvement of a wedded intervention. Finally, PPA, infl uences policies at the macro level in relation to poverty lessening development projects (cited in ESCAP, 2009 13 for original see Norton et al., 2001). Thus, PRA is considered to be the more(prenominal) important approach to promote empowerment.The participatory development method involves all stakeholders who are affected, by the policies, decisions, and actions of the system. This may include individuals, groups, communities, local government institutions, local and international institutions, self-help groups (Chambers, 2005a87). This approach is used by the cosmos Bank, non-governmental organisations, aid agencies and academicians, which for eccentric have applied PRA for climate change adaptation projects.2. Participatory Development in designThis section will examine (the) participatory development in practice through case study. The aim of this example is to illustrate different aspect of participation in development and how it can lead to potential tyranny.Case Study Ru ral Water Supply organisation in Rajasthan, IndiaThis case study, which looks at the Jal Bhagirathi Foundation (JBF) situated in Jodhpur, Rajasthan, demonstrates how sexual urge is dynamic and gender norms can be altered when matters as substantial as social participation are negotiated and water heed is sick into practice (Berry, 201048). kindly participation is associated with gender in the conduct of this non-governmental placement in water supply circumspection.India is the one of the large-mouthedst consumer of water today. Water is considered to be a womens resource in large parts of rural India, as women have the responsibility to fetch water for domestic purposes 86 per cent of the time (Bhatia, 2004 cited in Berry, 201049). Women seeking water often have to get going long distances, and sometimes are confronted with reduced water supply availability. This means that women having to spend more time in storing and pr all the sameting contamination of water. This pred icament applies to rural women in many regions. For example, women in Nepalese villages are house intimidate with domestic responsibilities in juxtaposition with men drawd in economic activity, which may put women in a situation where they are excluded from dynamic in water sellment decision making. Moreover, a lack of electrical energy hinders women from collecting water from the water pumps (Shah, 2006 Berry and Mollard, 2010 49).The household shapes gender relations, as well as playing key role in the use of water. Domestic water use connects women with women of other households (Cleaver, 1998). These household dynamics and local customs reinforce gender inequities (Cleaver, 2001 cited in Berry, 2010 50). Thus, because of their low social status, women are perceived as being uneducated and unable to take authoritative decisions, which constrains their participation in water user associations. Barriers to institutions and semipolitical engagement make women dependent on infor mal forms of participation(Mohan and Hickey, 2004 and Berry, 2010 51). Thus, when women go to fetch water, they meet other women socially and engage in informal discussions about their lives and information sharing.In South Asia, and specifically in India and Nepal, caste, race, religion, age and family play a postworthy role in defining how gender affects and is reflected in water management practices. Thus high caste women are likely to be voluminous in decision making due to their interest in the flavor of water, whereas, lower caste women may be more supportive of having clear access to the water supply. It is also important to note that since most of the rural women are poor and are likely to lead the kind of lifespan mentioned to a higher place, they will be less interested in participating in water supply management due to their already busy schedules. disposed(p) these types of social scenarios, JBF a non-governmental, has taken initiatives to empower women in water m anagement decision making and provide public space for their participation, as women are the real stake holders. In addressing the above issue, JBF is subscribe tod to develop relations with governments, aid donors and work within the customary practices of the local communities. UNDP has been actively voluminous with JBF to promote womens participatory water initiatives and make governance more participatory. A UNDP sponsored evaluation in 2008 acknowledged the progress made by JBF by building wells and tanks closer to houses, essenceed in a reduction of the four kilometer average walking distance in the targeted regions and decreased the time spent by women for collecting water (Berry, 2010 54). JBF also helped these rural women by establishing self help groups and linking them with banks for small house loans. Even though the JBF project resulted in varying degrees of success, criticisms were raised, regarding the lack of convergence between water initiatives undertaken by mai nstream village institutions dominated by men and womens self help group (ibid.).JBF recognizes that womens role is central to the fellowship water management practices. Communities may also manifest themselves as sites of conflict and shifting alliances influenced by power and social structures, both exclusionary as well as inclusive (Berry, 2010 58). JBF faced the followers problems in the case of Rajasthani women, such as their having low autonomy even in their own households and often being unable to work out of the house, due to cultural norms. The women often did not attend meetings, as they were illiterate, and consequently it was difficult to get them involved in village water practices, as they also felt shy to talk in front of men. These rural women are facing two contradictory problems. Firstly, patriarchal society and conventional customs exert pressures geared to maintaining privileges associated with the prevailing social and gender hierarchy, and, secondly, they h ave been faced with the introduction of modernity which is transforming rural economies. Hence, traditional understandings of gender, and local power structures have come into conflict with the externally disseminated strategies. As a result of this conflict, JBF projects have provided undersize benefit to rural women although they were meant to promote gender paleness and participation on one hand and reifying traditional cultural practices on the other (McCusker and Oberhauser, 2006 cited in Berry, 2010 63).3. Tyranny of Participation in Development very much of the discourse on participation in development has been challenged over the past two decades. Criticisms have been raised about the participatory approaches and demand at best their rethinking, if not their abandonment (Cooke, and Kothari, 20012). The critiques mainly emerge from within the field of development itself (ibid. 5) after the failure of current forms of participatory development to engage with the issues of po wer and politics raised by its language of empowerment (Hickey, and Mohan, 2005 241). These criticisms are viewed by Cooke, and Kothari (2001) as tyranny in development practice. Tyranny here means, outlaw(a) manipulation of power in participation. The authors have identified three types of tyrannies first, the Tyranny of decision making and control second, tyranny of the group and third, tyranny of method. However, there are other points of criticism raised by academics and practitioners which will be referred to in relevant parts of the following discussion.3.1 The knowledge claims of Participatory DevelopmentParticipatory development is designed to uncover the local realities of the poor and arrest their involvement in decision making (Cleaver, 1999 599-600). This claim to understanding the local knowledge and particularly PRA approach has been highly criticised by field practitioners. Chambers (1994) makes claims in support of the reliability and accuracy of the knowledge obt ained through PRA approach. However, Campbell (2001) rejects these claims, and argues that whilst approaches, such as RRA and PRA, were aimed to generate more or less accurate information, practitioners have been using them as the only model for undertaking research. Hence, Campbell proposes an integration of PRA approach with qualitative and quantitative methods to generate in-depth understanding which would not be practicable to achieve through techniques of observation (ESCAP, 2009 22-23).3.2 TokenismReference to participatory models have catch an attractive slogan and strategy for governments to acquire political advantages and foreign aid. These slogans generate the impression that governments are sensitive to all the local needs (Rahnema, 1992118). Participatory methods in development process are increasingly viewed as an important tool to effectively avoid the past mistakes by undertaking projects which require awareness of the local knowledge of the field access to network s which help to obey the ongoing project and provides avenues for future investments in rural areas and cooperation of the local organisations to take to the woods out development initiatives. In this view, grassroots organisations play significant role in providing technical and human resource assistance in the field, and by acquiring investments for the projects (Rahnema, 1992119).The foreign assistance agreements with recipient countries show the freeness of the latter to introduce in the global efforts of their developed associates. This collaboration has helped developing countries governments with sophisticated systems of control over their populations (Rahnema, 1992117), as this approach allows governments to be present everywhere to manage democratic participation. Thus, this approach to participation results in exploitative practices contrary to the wishes of the bulk of the population, whereas development polices have a tendency to influence the minds of the people to become dependent on modern services. In this manner, their participation in policymaking and decisions is desire to confirm the support for the same needs. Thus, development projects which benefit only a few obtain majority support due to misperception that these advantages will soon be accessible to them as well (Rahnema, 1992118).3.3 Tyranny of the Group and Tyranny of MethodThe participatory development approach is critiqued for considering communities as socially unvarying rather then distinguishing the heterogeneous groups of people in a society or confederacy. This view does not take into account the embedded inequalities within the communities, and ends up reinforcing the existing marginalization and power conflicts between uppers and lowers (Cleaver, 2001 44 Kothari, 2001 one hundred forty Mohan, 2002 53). Others, Mosse (1994, 2001) and Guijt (1998), have raised concerns about the nature of knowledge and reliability of the information. Although, this approach may have em powered a given local conjunction to some extent, the literature suggests that support for community has meant that funding and authority is transferred to the already privileged whilst the suppress are get along excluded (Mohan, 2002 53). However, in this context, gender battles and community need to be distinguished as separate groups in applying PRA and other approaches, as conflating these conceptually could be problematic.Mosse argues that local knowledge is generated in a social context which is influenced by power, authority and gender inequality (ESCAP, 2009 23). Mosse further highlights that the problem of knowledge generation via PRA approach is likely to be influenced by the predefined agenda of the outsider and their interaction with insider community members. This space of interaction is where each group repeatedly tries to anticipate the others wishes and intentions (ESCAP, 2009 23). This supposition is a matter of concern to Mosse and he discusses how the process of acquiring the local knowledge shapes the relationship between beneficiary communities and development institutions. Thus, this makes local knowledge, compatible with bureaucratic planning (Mosse, 1994 ESCAP, 2009 23).The case study discussed on gender equity in this paper shows that local village men do not share the same, nor are they willing to cooperate. They are caught up in local politics. Often decentalisation and participation cause the more vocal in the already advantaged group to extend in their position, which defeats the very purpose of participatory development by preventing the menstruation of contextualized knowledge, and diminishing the effectiveness of interventions (Perret, and Wilson, 2010196).Criticisms have also been levied against the methods of Participatory Development. Stirrat (1996) raised concerns about the idea of dual forms of knowledge local and scientific knowledge. He argues that in the age of globalization, knowledge cannot exist in isolation but is in return dependent on interrelationships.3.4 The Myth of connectionAccording to Cleaver (2001 603) the community in participatory approaches to development is often viewed as natural social entity characterized by shared determine. It is believed that these values can be manifested in dim-witted organizational form. This view is refuted by many. The assumption that the community as a natural entity and is identifiable in any location with defined boundaries and rights to social status appears to be simplistic. This imaginary view of a community or fabrication can have wider implications and lead to generalizations about all communities as having similar characteristics. As Stirrat (1996) notes, communities are physical spaces where people interact socially.3.5 The Tyranny of purpose Making And ControlThis view of Participatory approaches which emphasizes consensus building -and shared values is rather illusiory. Stirrat (1996) argues that these approaches with their supp osed cooperation and solidarity is a new form of Orientalism, which ties in with ideas of mastery and power relations. It is evident that in practice the power of decision making ultimately lies with the development agencies (Mosse, 2001). Therefore the participatory approach is criticised for not recognizing the social diversity and conflicts which pave the way for social exclusion (Cleaver, 2001 ESCAP, 2009 24-25). It is argued that the approach is used in the name of empowering people and represents external interests as local needs, and dominating interests as community concerns (Mosse, 200122). This perception of participation has the potential of oppressing the beneficiaries and leading them to challenge the social hierarchies in the society (Kothari, 2001 143).3.6 The Bureaucratic organizationsWhen the organizational interests clash with the ideals of empowerment this leads to bureaucratisation of participation (Richards, 1995 Mohan, 2002). This conflict can lead to withdraw al of the project (Mosse, 2001). The civil society organisations can create competition with local organizations, as large amounts of aid money are chanelled through such organisations. This competition can sideline the weaker organisations, which will further undermine their development projects. In order to seek better funding, these organisations develop alliances with the donor organisations in the North. This perspective shows how the local governments authority is by-passed and that these grass roots agencies focus on increasing their capacity. numerous such partnerships between northern countries organisations and those of southern countries come with a price. The pitch of aid money comes with an agenda (Mohan, 2002 53). Thus, in effect, the development project of such organisations subjugates those who are supposed to be empowered. As these civil society organisations are accountable to their donor originations, they are also time bound and have certain targets and objecti ves to achieve in order to continue the source of their funding, which may affect the development of the projects (Stirrat ,1996 ESCAP, 2009).3.7 From tyranny to transformationThis section briefly examines the present state of participatory approaches from the works of Hickey and Mohan (2004) and other literature produced in the aftermath of criticisms about the shortcomings and tyranny of participatory approaches. They argue that participation has grow its role in development, with new methods appearing in theory and practice, and note that, in recent times, developing countries are engaged in formulating germinal strategies to express their needs and are better aware of their rights. They stress the transformative approach to development by means of gaining an understanding of the power structures and politics of participation in development. Hickey and Mohan propose the creation of synergies between local projects and political action and governance at the state level. They clai m that this synergy will help to overcome the potential tyranny of localized projects and promote social justice and rights based approaches through radical political action. This view proposes changes at the institutional and hierarchal level in order to provide oppressed citizens with an opportunity to take charge of the decisions which affect their lives and advocates promoting the agency of active citizenship by relocating participation within the wider realm of sociopolitical practices. It is assumed that this model of participation in development discourse will provide increased opportunities to the poor to exercise their rights as active members of the society and give them better control over socioeconomic resources (ESCAP, 2009 25).4. ConclusionParticipation has become a popular approach in contemporary development discourse. To draw some tentative conclusions from the above analysis, it is evident that empowerment through development has not been fully achieved. Although p articipatory development has benefited some local communities, the literature suggests that the participatory approach has a patronizing relationship to development. It has been abused by different stakeholders for various ideologic and self-serving purposes (Stokke, Mohan, 2000 263), and provided little or no gain to those whom it seeks to empower. As the evidence from the case shows, in the struggle for power observed in the rural water management programme in Rajahstan India, the unequal status of women meant that they had little access to participation in the water management incentives.It seems reasonable to reason out that many theorists and practitioners may be justified in their claims that participation is disempowering those who are already oppressed because of its inherently tyrannical nature. It can undermine the role of state and powerful transnational development organisations. However, it is important to note that studies on the subject, such as Participation The New Tyranny?, and similar work, does not discourage the use of participation in development per se. The debates on participation rather suggest that issues of inequality and social structure must be addressed to overcome current problems and improve the participatory process.Although the tensions discussed in this paper continue to hinder development, they also present opportunities for the effective use of participatory approaches. Continuing efforts to challenge and transform local power relations by participatory practitioners and agencies with similar interests can bring them on the same chopine to work together for effective local participation to the benefit of development. In recent times, many development agencies have changed their focus to incorporate the broader questions of citizenship and sovereignty. Many of these organisations are now seeking avenues for building institutional and state capacity (Mohan, 200253-54). 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